Essays on religion and politics in america

Thankfully, one does emerge, although that ought not to surprise anyone familiar with Dunkerley's voluminous work, where consistent themes and patterns can be distinguished, and it is clear that all seven essays display already familiar qualities: an impressive erudition, an ironic eye, a literary elegance and eloquence, a genuinely original way of thinking, and a clear affection for, and vast knowledge of, Latin America.

Simply, the reader of this collection will not be disappointed.

Essays on religion and politics in america

The opening essay, 'Barrientos and Debray: all gone or more to come? Here, Dunkerley's colours seem nailed to the mast with his admonition against 'unilinear perspectives that confuse the 'development' of political economy with the 'nature' of a society in its entirety p.

However, his purpose is wider as his critical reviews often are - and he clearly looks for a moral within the forgotten Plutarchian traditions of 'parallel lives'. Of the two, Dunkerley reserves his most scathing commentary for Debray, a person for whom he seems to have little sympathy, emerging as confused, egoistic, unreliable and even, perhaps, shallow intellectually.

Dunkerley's deconstruction of Debray's Althusserian positions is perceptive and sharp in every senseand if there is a villain of the piece it seems to be the slightly dilettante French philosopher who strayed irrelevantly into the Bolivian drama. Barrientos, however, survives largely unscathed from Dunkerley's pen a generally more attractive person, whose foibles and rightward political shift are ultimately less criticised, more logical and even less self-centred.

If Debray is 'villain', then Barrientos is inherently more 'heroic', and certainly more rounded and appealing. Seemingly, in the theme of 'warriors and scribes', Dunkerley has preferred the former. For it introduces what may be at least one of the collection's intentional unifying themes the homage to the 'third man', to those who die in defeat rather than die in victory Barrientos or, like Debray, survive defeat essays power politics 'ruminate' p.

In fact, of course, the essay is about a good deal more than the two principal characters and Dunkerley is here only a 'would-be biographer', since it is really a thoughtful discussion of Bolivia, Latin America, intellectuals, Guevara and political commitment, and does, indeed, really set the tone for the collection in several ways. Indeed, the essay is more a critique than an exposition of Dunkerley's own views, which are often not easy to essay on left turn in latin american politics.

Certainly Dunkerley's own prose is occasionally far from 'limpid', although that is because of the depth of the argument and the awareness of complexity. This essay therefore gives us several facets of Dunkerley: as literary critic, with a capacity for subtle and nuanced views, with hints of a political perspective and commitment.

Essay on left turn in latin american politics

It also gives essay on left turn in latin american politics the author as political analyst, with a prescience on later Mexican politics although also a time-trapped underlying confidence about US intentions in the region that owes much to Clinton's benign neglect. Dunkerley's capacity for political analysis, however, comes out convincingly in the next essay 'The Bolivian Election in Historical Perspective' With an eye for often exhausting fine detail, he dissects the remarkable electoral return of a politician - Hugo Banzer - to the Bolivian presidency, three decades after he began his brutal rule as a hated military dictator.

The irony is compounded by Banzer's tactical alliance with the now centrist MIR, founded in to overthrow him, and by the coincidence with the return to Cuba of Che Guevara's bones.

The message at first seems clear: criticism ought perhaps to be levelled either at opportunism, or at Guevara's failed radicalism. However, there is more to the message, since the picture which Dunkerley paints of recent Bolivian history is one of a vibrant, sophisticated and subtle polity.

With a fine analytical mind, he deconstructs the complexities of voting behaviour through, and beyond, statistics, demonstrating the strength of tactical voting and of alliances, and revealing the emergence of a continuismo surprising given Bolivia's past notoriety for political volatility. Here, the many tables provided are invaluable, especially in measuring the scale of the shift since ; the details are, moreover, interspersed with a wealth of astute observation, in which the only real criticism is that one easily gets lost in the to-ing and fro-ing of groupings, alliances and shifts and might have benefited from a chart.

Indeed, Bolivia's political development is really the 'hero' of the essay, as Dunkerley presents a convincing picture of the maturation of the political system into a 'polyarchy' with an astonishing degree of real 'indigenisation' of culture, attitudes and politicsand with an MNR which skilfully managed to use its traditional loyal base to change political direction, the key to the growing consensus.

Dunkerley sees the roots of this transition in Banzer's removal by his fellow military, becoming more profound after Once again, though, the coda is revealing the brief peroration on Guevara's bones introduces reflections on the Bolivian Left's reaction and on the wider Left's relevance to Bolivia.

Perhaps the least satisfying essay, because, being the shortest only 8 pages cultural diversity importance, it frustrates, is the next one, '"All that trouble down there": Hollywood and Central America' However, though short, it is exhilarating and polemical, and brings out yet another Dunkerley persona: as astute film critic.

Indeed, what we get is an often scathing but always subtle and perceptive critique of Hollywood's treatment of Central America, in particular of the American film industry's shift to the region of the locus of 'conflict' and 'the enemy' from an East-West spectrum, but without any awareness of the historical context, allowing it to indulge in less subtle and more explicitly tasteless stereotypes - usually of sex, power and treachery.

Within this picture, Dunkerley gives us sharp comment on a number of exemplary films, including Gregorio Nava's 'El Norte' wooden in characterisation but none the less accurate in its depiction of the Latino dilemmaJohn Milius's 'Red Dawn' a right-wing paranoid fantasyHaskell Wexler's 'Latino' sermonising from the Leftand, finally, comparing Roger Spottiswoode's 'Under Fire' and Oliver Stone's 'Salvador', leading to a perhaps surprising but convincing preference for the honesty of the latter.

Once again, what comes through in this excursion into yet another genre is not only Essay on left turn in latin american politics almost renacentista breadth, but also his evident affection for the supposed cinematic subjects, the 'forgotten' of Latin America. Indeed, by now, an unspoken unifying theme is becoming clear. It puzzles since it is not clear where it fits into the 'whole', although it again gives full rein to Dunkerley's characteristic talents the often astonishing breadth of his reading and knowledge you believe that he has actually read and digested all the works citedhis desire to be fair, and his attention to detail.

The essay opens well, with a sweeping panorama of Latin America when British 'Latin Americanism' began, and then catalogues the key people, publications, centres and academic events of the last three decades.

History rightly receives the lion's share of his attention, given its pioneering and continuing 'core' role. Here his observations are astute: on the remarkable budgetary control definition over the period, not least in the penchant for narrative and empirical pragmatism; on the causes of the 'explosion' university expansion, increased travel opportunities and the development of historiography in Latin America ; on the lasting and largely beneficial impact of 'dependency theories', albeit often indirectly, through other influenced disciplines; on the weak treatment of gender and of Brazil; on the mixed blessings of the evolving relationship between 'cultural studies' and history occasionally creative but also risking a neglect of a research base ; on the seminal impact of economic history.

Politics gets a narrower treatment, but the same qualities are evident, and one particularly welcomes the observation that the British study of Latin American politics always reflecting the shifts in British political life has benefited from a rich exchange with, and openness to, journalistic and NGO-based work on the region. One underlying theme, here, of course is predictably the comparison with the United States.

Dunkerley's judgements are occasionally dangerous in their sweep but never without foundation, especially on British historians' lesser concern with Latin America's 'otherness' and greater interest in traditions, and, in politics, on the British tendency to eschew the American preference for paradigms and theoretical debates and to gravitate towards empiricism.

There is also the underlying theme: the tendency for British Latin Americanism to be 'committed' in several senses, a conclusion that, indeed, seems to return to the opening discussion, to the changing continent itself. A bold and ambitious essay, it nonetheless succeeds in presenting a convincing set of arguments, although, again, the result is less a clear statement of the author's position than a set of astute critiques of others' positions.

Essay on politics in america

In this sense, in this dossier, we will explore the connections of the region with other parts of the world during the period, with the goal of providing a more thorough picture of the shaping of the Cold War in Latin America but, also, by Latin America. One of the challenges of this dossier is to demonstrate the relevance of relationships different from the traditional link with the United States.

The articles of this dossier focus on traditional themes: economy and politics both international and domestic and on new subjects such as cultural representations, and cultural influence. They offer fresh insight into these topics thanks to the comparative even global framework chosen by the authors. In turn, Soledad Loaeza shows the deep impact of the Guatemalan coup of in Mexican attitudes and strategies toward the Cold War and, above all, in the domestic political alignments.

As Loaeza shows focusing on Mexico, in many cases continental political elites reacted to Cold War events and dynamics according to domestic considerations and concerns, and not only as a consequence of US pressures. Again, this does not mean neglecting the asymmetry of power of Latin American countries relation with Washington. These articles notice that the beginning of the Cold War represented the onset of a new world for Latin America as well. This is something that Latin Americans quickly understood and they struggle to come to terms with the new situation.

This was not necessarily negative, as the article by Moreli Rocha and Le Chaffotec demonstrates, since the new scenario opened political opportunities to Latin American countries as international actors. The new system of global governance envisioned by the victors in the war is a good example of this, since the Latin American nations seemed to have a large representation in the UN. This provides an analysis of the production of right wing ideas in Latin American during the Cold War, acknowledgement dissertation phd usually neglected topic.

The articles of this dossier share the idea that Latin Americans were able to some extent to shape the discourses, representations and even policies which traditionally we associate with the Cold War. This is of course more apparent if referred to Latin American domestic developments, but it is even applicable to other contexts. We hope these contributions provide the reader with new views about the Cold War in Latin America.

Also, we hope to demonstrate that to some extent Latin Americans were also involved in the creation and shaping of the practices, discourses and representations of Cold War, both in Latin America and abroad. The classic work is Westad For a summary of the evolution of the global and transnational history in the recent years, see Iriye, Examples of new topics, which sometimes go beyond the time framework provided by the Cold War, can be found among others in Connelly ; Snyder, ; Cullather ; Belmonte See the interesting reflections on culture and international affairs in Iriye ; See, for example, Friedman ; Harmer; Schmidli Thus, Fein and Zolov provide a very suggestive analysis of the cultural aspects of the Cold War but their frame of reference is the discussion about US hegemony.

See also Kirkendall Harmer underlines. During the last decade, 60 million people escaped poverty, expanding the middle class by more than 50 percent.

The great challenge is now how to keep progressing and how to make this progress sustainable in a volatile global environment, full of challenges and uncertainties. Green and Alan S. Kamarck However, Latin America is a paradox: it is the only region in the world that combines democratic regimes in almost all countries with large sectors of their populations living below the poverty line Nowhere else in the world is democracy shaped by such an unusual combination of factors.

It is a fact that our democracies exhibit important deficits and symptoms of fragility. The main unresolved issues are institutional problems that affect essay on left turn in latin american politics and the rule of law, independence and interconnection between state powers, hyper-presidentialism and reelection, corruption, constraints to freedom of expression, poor performance of electoral and political systems, lack of gender equality, and citizen insecurity, all factors that undermine its functioning.

In spite of the progress obtained, Latin Americans are dissatisfied with the current situation and demand more of their democracies, institutions and governments. There is an increasing demand for more transparency, better leadership and efficient public policies.

In a Latin American context of weak economic growth according to the IMF the region will grow below 2 percent and intense electoral marathons, governments will have to face citizen expectations and demands in conditions of greater austerity. This year the region will grow, at most, 2 percent, with potential implications of social stagnation.The prolonged antagonism associated with the war led to a shift in American values. Recently Muslim discrimination in the United States has received national attention.

Protesters aggressively disapproved of plans to build a Muslim cultural center and mosque only two blocks from ground zero. The hostile opposition for the approved mosque plans has created a public uproar motivated by Islamophobia. Most of the publics objections have nothing to do with the zoning regulations, but instead focus on faith.

Protestors claim that the majority of Muslims support violence, terrorism, the abuse of women. Predicting that ultimately Muslims intend to end Christianity in the United States. Wright, Robert. This blog post is provided free of charge and we encourage you to use it for your research and writing. However, we do require that you cite it properly using the citation provided below in MLA format. Ultius, Inc.

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There is a solution to your problem - you can just buy an essay from the custom writing service company. It means that only professional and qualified candidates become team members. Between the selection of candidates, they are less active than their counterparts in other countries and, during elections, they are less influential in campaigning, with individual politicians and their campaigns having much more influence. The cost of elections is much greater in the US than in other democracies which has the effects of limiting the range of candidates, increasing the influence of corporate interests and pressure groups, and enhancing the position of the incumbent office holder especially in the winning of primaries.

As long ago asthe Chairman of the Republican National Committee Mark Hanna stated: "There are two things that are important in politics. The first is money, and I can't remember what the second one is. One other oddity of the American party system is that, whereas in most countries of the world the colour red is associated with the Left-wing party and the colour blue with the Right-wing party, in the United States the reverse is the case.

So the 'blue states' are those traditionally won by the Democrats, while the 'red states' are those normally controlled by the Republicans. Two interesting features of American political elections are low turnout and the importance of incumbency. Traditionally turnout in US congressional elections is much lower than in other liberal democracies especially those of Western Europe. When there is a presidential election, turnout is only about half; when there is no presidential election, turnout is merely about one third.

While Congress as an institution is held in popular contempt, voters like their member of Congress and indeed there is a phenomenon known as 'sophomore surge' whereby incumbents tend to increase their share of the vote when they essay on left turn in latin american politics re-election. More generally most incumbents win re-election for several reasons: they allocate time and resources to waging a permanent re-election campaign; they can win "earmarks" which are appropriations of government spending for projects in the constituency; and they find it easier than challengers to raise money for election campaigns.

First, some years ago, there were were 13 autonomous states who, following the War of Independence against the British, created a system of government in which the various states somewhat reluctantly ceded power to the federal government. Around a century later, the respective authority of the federal government and the individual states was an issue at the heart of the Civil War when there was a bloody conflict over who had the right to determine whether slavery was or was not permissable.

With the exception of Switzerland, no other Western democracy diffuses power to the same degree as America. So contested is the whole notion of federalism in the American political system that initially the country was not a federation but simply a confederation with minimal powers for the federal government. This system was found not to ut quest homework online and so the Constitution of provides a sophisticated balance of powers between the federal and state governments.

So today the powers of the federal government remain strictly limited by the Constitution - the critical Tenth Amendment of - which leaves a great deal of authority to the individual states. Each state has an executive, a legislature and a judiciary. The head of the executive is the Governor who is directly elected. As with the President at federal level, state Governors can issue Executive Orders.

The legislature consists of a Senate and a House of Representatives the exception is the state of Nebraska which has a unicameral system. The judiciary consists of a state system of courts. The 50 states are divided into counties parishes in Louisiana and boroughs in Alaska.

Each county has its court. Althought the Constitution prescribes precisely when Presidential and Congressional elections will be held, the dates and times of state and local elections are determined by state governments.

Therefore there is a plethora of elections in the United States and, at almost all times, an election is being held somewhere in the country. State and local elections, like federal elections, use the 'first past the post' system of election. In fact, most states choose to elect the governor and legislature when Congressional elections are held on the first Tuesday after the first Monday in November in argumentative essay about college numbered years.

Exceptions are the states of Virginia and New Jersey which hold their governor and legislature elections in odd numbered years known as "off-year elections". The debate about federalism in the US is far from over. There are those who argue for a stronger role for the federal government and there are advocates of locating more power at the state level.

The recent rise of the electorally-successful Tea Party movement owes a good deal to the view that the federal government has become too dominant, too intrusive and too profligate.

Meanwhile many states - especially those west of the Rockies - have what has been called "the fourth arm of government": this is the ballot or referendum initiative. This enables a policy question to be put to the electorate as a result of the collection of a certain number of signatures or the decison of the state legislation.

Over the do you underline artwork titles century, some 3, such initiatives have been conducted - in some cases such as California with profound results. Arguably, in the United States this disconnect is sharper than in most other democratic systems because: The US Constitution is an old one late 18th century whereas most countries have had several constitutions with the current one typically being a 20th century creation.

The US Constitution is relatively immutable so it is very difficult to change the provisions to reflect the reforms that have come about over time from the pressure of events. Since the US adopted its Constitution, the US has become the pre-eminent world economic and political power which has brought about major changes in how the Presidency operates, most especially in the international sphere.

What this means is that, in the last century and most especially since the end of the Second World War, the reality of how the American political system operates has changed quite fundamentally in terms which are not always evident from the terms of the Constitution and indeed some might argue are in some respects in contravention of the Constitution. The main changes are as follows: The balance of power between the Congress and essay on politics in america President has shifted significantly in favour of the President.

This is evident in the domestic sphere through practices like 'impoundment' when money is taken from the purpose intended by Congress and allocated to another purpose favoured by the President and in the international sphere through refusal to invoke the War Powers Resolution in spite of major military invasions.

Different terms for this accretion of power by the Presidency are "the unitary executive" and "the imperial presidency". The impact of private funding of political campaigns and of lobbyists and special interest groups in political decision making have increased considerably.

Candidates raise their own money for campaigns, there is short argumentative essay topics no limit on the money that can be spent in such campaigns thanks to what is called super Political Action Committeesand the levels of expenditure - especially in the presidential primaries and election proper - have risen astronomically.

In the presidential race ofboth Barack Obama and Mitt Romney spent over one billion dollars. All this has led to some essay on politics in america describing the American political system as a plutocracy, since it is effectively controlled by private finance from big businesses, which expect certain policies and practices to follow from the candidates they are funding, and big donors, who often expect preferment such as an ambassadorship from a candidate elected as President.

There has been a growth of what is called "pork barrel" politics through the use of "earmarks". The term "pork barrel" refers to the appropriation of government spending for projects that are intended primarily to benefit particular constituents, such as those in marginal seats, or campaign contributors.

Such appropriations are achieved through "earmarks" which can be found both in legislation also called "hard earmarks" or "hardmarks" and in the text of Congressional committee reports also called "soft earmarks" or "softmarks". The nature of political debate in the United States has become markedly more partisan and bitter.

The personal lifestyle as well as the political record of a candidate might well be challenged and even the patriotism or religiosity of the candidate may be called into question. Whereas the politics of most European countries has become more consensual, US domestic politics has become polarised and tribal.

As a result, the political culture is often more concerned with satisfying the demands of the political 'base' rather than attempting to achieve a national consensus. One final trend worth noting is the frequency of the same family to provide members of Congress. Low polling in elections, the high cost of running for election, and the focus on the individual more than the party all mean that a well-known name can work successfully for a candidate. I think that this aspect speaks volumes about this nation.

I once came across an article by former US Secretary of state Colin Powell, where he talked about America that he believed in. He spoke of how this country inspired freedom and democracy in other nations. People may harbor anti-American sentiments but they still long to go there. Why is that the case? The answer is pretty simple, freedom. Freedom to be who you are, and live your dream without restrictions. Speech, religion, political affiliations, sports, and lifestyle are areas where the right to enjoy them is a sensitive issue.

The liberty to be an Atheist, Muslim or Christian is a personal choice. Politics and democracy are central issues in society. The liberty to pick a leader of your choice is one that people take for granted when they are supposed to be glad that they can.

In recent decades, the United States has experienced an increase in political polarization between the two parties.

These extreme views resonate with the Americans that sit at the tips of the ideological spectrum, but the majority of people have more moderate ideologies. Most fall in between essays on religion and politics in america two extremes, holding different combinations of social and economic values that make it difficult to place each person on the traditional linear.

I soon set out to be the first female president, disregarding my financial standings as a broke-unemployed junior high teenager. This aspiration stuck with me until the recent debates with candidates Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump. Along with politics and being enrolled in high school, I took. Hofstadter asserts American politics have been governed by paranoia since the creation of the United States, and it has manifested itself into the minds of both average and intellectuals Americans.

He contends that paranoia has played a pivotal role in American politics by fostering fear in citizens regarding issues such as. Over the last several decades, American politics scholars have sought to understand the causes of increasing partisanship and polarization in the United States Congress.

Since the s, the ideological positions of the two major U. This ideological divide also promotes a perception among the American public that Congress has increasingly become ineffective and polarized to a point. This holds true even when the amendment is applied to actions that the overwhelming majority Americans deem reprehensible.

An example of this is the recent Supreme Court decision protecting the right of the Westborough Baptist Church to protest at military funerals. Roberts Jr. Essay B One of the most prominent influences of art throughout history has been politics. However, this phenomenon was prominent long before the Vietnam War and was not just an American trend; in fact, two of the most influential and famous pieces of the early 20th century were products of political.

Communication is a vital weapon in American politics. Our leaders have won and lost our favor with organized speech since before the signing of the declaration of independence.

With a well written speech, and a practiced delivery, one man can change the views of our entire country. No one has done this more successfully than Ronald Reagan.

American Politics Essay. Although, it would be more accurate to say that both examinations of the term Continue Reading. Personally, I am not very involved Continue Reading. He also alludes to the common American theme of displacing Continue Reading. Culturally, the expectations of freedom and democracy are common in American politics, but an underlying lack of motivation to follow these principles is more commonplace in the culture of American Continue Reading.

Directly after Mayhew poses this question, he answers it by saying that members would Continue Reading. Historical essay on racism sheds light on the records that show how the oppression was institutionalized and used against African Americans in the United States since the first slave voyage arrived in Point Comfort, Virginia.

Oppression and internal colonialism arose in as a means of maintaining domination over the people of African descent, by institutionalizing slavery through the legislative actions of the Virginia House of Burgesses.

After the Civil War and Reconstruction, violence broke out across the country and more than three thousand African Americans were killed between and This number accounts for the official records, and the actual figure of the causalities is impossible to establish and in some cases classified as justifiable homicides conducted by local law enforcement officials. The tipping point for the oppression was in marked by the violent murder of a year-old boy Emmett Till for talking to a white woman in a Mississippi store in the same year, starting the Civil Rights Movement.

Several thousand years before the colonial era, there had been inhabitants in the Northern American continent. They have influenced the history of America and racial relations as well. They lost their land through forced displacement, wars and the imposition of treaties often resulted in hardships. The English had enslaved approximately Choctaws in the early 18th century.

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